Looking forward to how this works in practice re: processing and posting.

Actually, the website *does* keep records of all applications already - that's how I found all the "lost" applications for those two months the forwarder went down

During the general elections, the following persons wanted to claim a seat in the Cabana:
@Eovart Xhorxh , @Tariqzubair , Gilberto Martinez  , Béneditsch Ardpresteir , Chilsă Indrüt , @Danihel Txechescu , @Carlüs Éovart Vilaçafat , Pôl dal Nordselvă, @Françal I. Lux , Dien Tresplet , Txoteu Davinescu

But I find that many have still not claimed a seat. They may be urged to do the same.

I wish to nominate Béneditsch Ardpresteir under the given circumstances.

Quote from: King Txec on Yesterday at 08:38:27 AM

Quote from: Carlüs Éovart Vilaçafat on Yesterday at 08:23:42 AMI don't see how Article 1.6 of the Maricopa constitution is not a blanket ban, but I'm also no lawyer.

With that being said, I have no problem kicking the nomination of @Béneditsch Ardpresteir over to the Cabana to decide.

I thought BenArd was talking about your nomination not getting a vote. Our laws do indeed bar him from being Premieir.

-Txec R

oui et non

Carlüs Éovart Vilaçafat's final declaration early this month was not valid on two counts -

First, I wasn't disqualified for election in Maricopa, before the Senate votes were verified by the Election Commission, and the fees being paid for taking up the Senate Seat which occured much later, after many a days. So, its my pleasure to say that the Maricopan Parliamentarian and the King of the Nation was wrong in his understanding of the law as it stands.

Second, since there were two candidates in the fray at that point of time, there should have been a vote. Maybe during the process I would have withdrawn, or maybe I could have withdrawn from the Senate race, but the present Maricopan Provincial Head didn't leave me with many options.

However, at present, the discussion is moot, but it may be a point that may be taken heed of in future elections, or the laws may be modified/ amended to take care of such circumstances in the future.

In my capacity as Minister of Immigration, I have begun to rework the immigration process to improve it from top to bottom.  The first step was the immigration form.  Unfortunately, the software for our website and the associated plugins were all out of date and starting to break -- it had become impossible to edit the form at all without causing problems.

To address this, the entire form has been rebuilt with a different software.  The resulting new system will now automatically keep records of all applications, it looks more modern and nicer, it's much easier to edit and improve, and it works better for the user.  It will also make it a heck of a lot easier to post immigration applications, although that's really only something that benefits me and my successors.

Please let me know if you have any questions or suggestions!

Okay you characters, @GV and @Garth Spencer , I'm about to go on holiday, so if you want to get the Praisidieu in order and elect a Capitán, now is the time to do so

Tbf, the point of the Senäts in the minds of its defenders is precisely to be countermajoritarian. It is supposed to *not* represent the majority, because "stopping the majority doing things" is seen as a benefit in itself.

It's worth looking at the Senate as well, just for curiosity, using the numbers from the four Senate races in the most recent election:

Party	% Vote (1st Rd.)	Seats	% Seats	Diff.	Sq. Diff.
PA	40.43	3	75.00	-34.57	1195.08490
URL	36.17	1	25.00	11.17	124.76890
Green	4.26	0	0.00	4.26	18.14760
Ind.	19.15	0	0.00	19.15	366.72250
				TOTAL	1704.72390
				TOTAL/2	852.36195
				GI	29.19524

As we can see, the Senate is significantly more disproportionate than even a 20-seat Cosa. This calls into question the motives and reasoning of those who may support keeping the Senate as-is, while opposing decreasing the size of the Cosa as "less representative".

However, we've seen people discussing changing the size of the Cosa recently, so it's not a bad idea to look at how that could affect things. For example, if the Cosa had 20 seats as recently proposed:

Party	% Vote	Seats	% Seats	Diff.	Sq. Diff.
PA	43.62	9	45.00	-1.38	1.90440
URL	32.98	7	35.00	-2.02	4.08040
Green	13.83	3	15.00	-1.17	1.36890
IDT	7.45	1	5.00	2.45	6.00250
IG/A-S	2.13	0	0.00	2.13	4.53690
				TOTAL	17.89310
				TOTAL/2	8.94655
				GI	2.99108

2.99 is still very low -- that would put Talossa between New Zealand (2.63) and Austria (3.21). Using the same method, a 40-seat Cosa, while lacking historical precedent, would have an index of 1.22. All of these would be perfectly acceptable numbers with respect to proportionality! Any of them are in line with some of the nations considered to have extremely healthy democracies. (For reference, nations like the US, UK, Canada, etc are regularly above 5 or even 10, with the UK's 2024 election delivering a Gallagher Index of 23.73!)

As an example, let's look at the results from our most recent election:

Party	% Vote	Seats	% Seats	Diff.	Sq. Diff.
PA	43.62	87	43.50	0.12	0.01440
URL	32.98	66	33.00	-0.02	0.00040
Green	13.83	28	14.00	-0.17	0.02890
IDT	7.45	15	7.50	-0.05	0.00250
IG/A-S	2.13	2	2.00	0.13	0.01690
				TOTAL	0.06310
				TOTAL/2	0.03155
				GI	0.17762

That's pretty low! For reference, the lowest one we can find for macronations is Guyana, which as of 2020 had a Gallagher Index of 0.52.